By Noam Chomsky
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Additional resources for After the Cataclysm: Postwar Indochina and the Reconstruction of Imperial Ideology (The Political Economy of Human Rights, Volume 2)
53-54). Of one story, Peterson notes, "This, of course, is but a rewrite of a standard wartime atrocity story. Senator Cullen of Nebraska used it in 1898" (p. 55). Of another, "This story is undoubtedly the work of someone's feverish imagination" (p. 55). The Bryce Report is perhaps the most important example available of a careful analysis of refugee reports on the part of a group attempting to assess the crimes of an enemy state. It was compiled under near-optimal conditions, and should be carefully borne in mind in evaluating such reports (or alleged reports) under far more ambiguous circumstances, from much more dubious sources.
The liberal intellectuals of the New Republic circle took credit for leading an unwilling nation into World War I (victimized, as they failed to perceive, by a most effective British campaign of atrocity fabrication; see below, chapter 2, section 1). In more recent times, the liberal intelligentsia have given crucial support to programs of counterrevolutionary violence, justified in terms of "containment" and the other instruments of cold war rhetoric. The euphoria over Kennedy's program of militarization, international subversion, and brinksmanship is a familiar example.
Were laughing up their sleeves. S. scholars took their own initiatives, as when a group of historians engaged in what one called "historical engineering, explaining the issues of the war that Precedents 27 we might the better win it," produced such material as The German-Bolshevik Conspiracy, a series of forged documents (as was suspected in Europe at the time) purporting to show that the Germans had materially assisted the Bolsheviks in coming to power and that Bolshevik leaders were paid agents of the German general staff.