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By Ilya Gershevitch

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160–72. The Mediterranean and Ancient History 25 to the relative importance or otherwise of other, non-Mediterranean connections. Consider, for instance, how the use of bronze is now thought to have spread across Europe from the Middle East: to judge from a recent study by C. F. E. 76 When the network of connections grew stronger, in the age of colonization, it of course affected the western Mediterranean environment profoundly, not only by means of vines and olive trees, but through intensified mineral extraction, urbanization, hydraulic engineering, and in other ways too.

Here we can return to the scholastic-sounding distinction between history of and history in. 11 9 10 11 CS 176. In a review, Annales d’histoire e´conomique et sociale 6 (1934), 81–5: 81. CS 2. The Mediterranean and Ancient History 6 The Corrupting Sea differentiates itself from The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in several other ways too. The authors accuse their predecessor of ‘a strong leaning towards environmental determinism’—as others had done before—,12 but whether the defendant should be convicted is not wholly clear, as I think Horden and Purcell recognize.

39 The underlying questions concern Malthus’s positive checks, and how ancient populations reacted to them, and further whether there were ‘preventive’ checks, and beyond that again whether there was any possibility in antiquity of sustained economic growth. A merely environmental history cannot be expected to answer such questions in full, but it can be expected 67–77, P. Kessener, ‘The Aqueduct at Aspendos and its Inverted Siphon’, JRA 13 (2000), 104–32, D. Amit, J. Patrich, and Y. ), The Aqueducts of Israel (JRA, Suppl.

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