By William Deakin
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Nor could they do other than accept at face value the repeated statements of the President that American forces would leave Europe promptly after the war. Churchill's own account of these events, like Eden's, naturally lays emphasis upon examples of prescience about Russian ill-faith, pressure upon the United States to stand up to Stalin more boldly on this or that issue, attempts to retain greater strength for the David Dilks 23 military campaign in Italy; whereas the minutes and memoranda of the War Cabinet, the mass of telegrams flowing from the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary, leave an impression that neither had a settled conviction about Russian intentions, though it is clear that both felt more apprehensive on that score than did their American counterparts.
The Americans have seen to that. They haven't given Alex a dog's chance. ' The same interlocutor records the Prime Minister as being captivated by the idea of trying again to win Stalin's friendship. Churchill had asked that the three leaders should meet. The President said he could do nothing of the kind until after the election. As Churchill remarked with some scorn, the Red Army would not stand still awaiting that result. 32 Sanguine by nature, he hoped that the presence at last of a great Allied army in Europe would allow him to reach a good settlement about Poland.
C. Molony, The Mediterranean and Middle East, Vol. VI (London, 1984) Part I, p. 341. Div/C Archive 4412, quoted in F. H. Hinsley, British Intelligence in the Second World War, Vol. 3 (London, 1984) p. 116. Hinsley, Joe. cit. Alexander Despatch, Joe. cit. p. 2901. For example Sir Charles Webster and A. N. Frankland, The Strategic Air Offensive against Germany, Vol. II (London, 1961) p. 25. Alexander Despatch, Joe. cit. p. 2902. The average of reinforcement drafts received by Kesselring was 15 000 per month; Ehrman, op.