By I. E. S. Edwards, C. J. Gadd, N. G. L. Hammond
Half II of quantity I offers with the heritage of the close to East from approximately 3000 to 1750 B.C. In Egypt, an extended interval of political unification and balance enabled the kings of the previous country to advance and make the most average assets, to mobilize either the manpower and the technical ability to construct the pyramids, and to motivate sculptors within the creation of works of superlative caliber. After a interval of anarchy and civil struggle on the finish of the 6th Dynasty the neighborhood rulers of Thebes validated the so-called heart country, restoring an age of political calm during which the humanities may perhaps back flourish. In Western Asia, Babylonia used to be the most centre and resource of civilisation, and her ethical, although now not constantly her army, hegemony used to be well-known and permitted by means of the encompassing nations of Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, Assyria and Elam. The historical past of the zone is traced from the overdue Uruk and Jamdat Nasr sessions as much as the increase of Hammurabi, the main major advancements being the discovery of writing within the Uruk interval, the emergence of the Semites as a political issue less than Sargon, and the luck of the centralized forms below the 3rd Dynasty of Ur.
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Extra info for Cambridge Ancient History. Early History of the Middle East
The fourth king in the Abydos list is called Ita, a name which is not far unlike Iterty, found on a label in cqnjunction with the Horus Djet and is thought to be his w^/y-name. Historical details of his reign are exceedingly sparse, but nothing in the archaeological evidence now available suggests that any break of continuity occurred in the political and cultural development observable under his predecessors. One of his subjects, possibly the leader of an expedition, scratched the king's name on a rock in the Wadi Miah, some fifteen miles east of Edfu along a route known to have been used in Ptolemaic times 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1 § m , 2, v o l .
22; §iv, 3, 2 7 - 3 0 , fig. 1, pi. 10; § v i , 1, 39-40, fig. 5; A , 1 5 , 75, fig. 6. G , 4, 60, fig. 23; §111, 2, v o l . 1, 60, fig. 3 1 . G , 4, 60; §111, 2, v o l . in, 73, 94. §iv, 1. O t h e r readings o f this n a m e a r e : W a d j i (§iv, 20, 282-4, b u t s e e §iv, 2 a n d §iv, 23, part 11, 7 n . 1 ) , E d j o ( G , 6, 405), D j a i t ( E d j o ) o r D j a i t i ( [ E d j o t ] §iv, 13), W a d j (§iv, 22, 64-6). | i , 14, 1 1 ; §iv, 25, 65. S e e b e l o w , p. 26. §1, 14, 9 gives I t i u .
There is certainly no reason to doubt that the construction of a dyke would have been required before the city could be built. Until the introduction of modern methods of irrigation, the whole of the Giza province owed its protection from inundation to a dyke in the neighbourhood of Wasta. Such a dyke probably existed in the time of Herodotus, but did not necessarily date back to Menes. Diodorus, apparently quoting a Theban tradition received from Hecataeus, ascribes the foundation of Memphis to a Theban king Uchoreus (Ou^opeus),3 whose name may well be a corruption of 'Oxvpevs, which would be a translation of Menes.