By Anne Mira Kornhauser
Debating the yankee country lines the stumble upon among liberal notion and the increase of the executive nation and the ensuing legitimacy matters that arose for democracy, the rule of thumb of legislation, and person autonomy. Anne Kornhauser examines a huge and weird forged of characters, together with American social scientists and criminal teachers, the thinker John Rawls, and German refugee intellectuals who had witnessed the destruction of democracy within the face of a totalitarian administrative country. particularly, she uncovers the sympathetic yet involved voices—commonly drowned out within the more and more partisan political discourse—of critics who struggled to reconcile the good points of the executive country with the unfavorable strain this kind of contrivance prompted different liberal values comparable to person autonomy, well known sovereignty, and social justice. by way of displaying that the leviathan kingdom was once by no means given a principled and scrupulous justification via its proponents, Debating the yankee nation unearths why the liberal country this day continues to be haunted by means of programmatic dysfunctions and incessant political assaults.
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Extra info for Debating the American State: Liberal Anxieties and the New Leviathan, 1930-1970
S. policy makers. S. ”52 The net result of these mixed motives was a mixed record. S. tended to support the metropole. In the case of Indonesia, for example, policymakers were concerned ﬁrst and foremost with the survival of the Netherlands and its contribution to European recovery and defense. Thus the United States sided initially with the Dutch in their return to Indonesia, despite the emergence on the islands of a powerful nationalist independence movement. Only after the Dutch failed in their efforts at military paciﬁcation and their obduracy began to endanger congressional appropriations for the high priority European Recovery Program did the Truman administration begin to pressure The Hague.
Like the argument about civilization, this geopolitical dimension had also been absent a generation earlier. As naval theorist Alfred Thayer Mahan said: “I am an imperialist simply because I am not an isolationist”16 For people like Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, colonial expansion was an integral part of a “Large Policy” that would make the newly industrialized United States a world power every bit the equal of the European states. Obviously, this argument resonated with military interests, who looked forward to ample appropriations for the armed forces.
Woodrow Wilson and World Politics: America’s Response to War and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 8. Arno Mayer, in Wilson vs. ” For a time, Wilson enjoyed the support of the latter. S. Foreign Relations 25 as such, it did in fact harbor a larger anti-imperialist objective. ” Wilson himself made clear that the idea behind mandates was “to build up in as short a time as possible . . S. was more concerned to temper colonialism than to abolish it. 27 Nevertheless, the Wilsonian position did at least address one of the conceptual inconsistencies that had hobbled the conservative anti-imperialism of the 1890s when it proposed trusteeship as a via media between great power rivalry and the possibility of anarchical independence.