Download Ellipsis: Functional Heads, Licensing, and Identification by Anne Lobeck PDF

By Anne Lobeck

This publication elaborates a conception of ellipsis that sheds new gentle on a well known phenomenon, bringing it below the aegis of basic and common ideas. Lobeck argues that ellipted different types in IP (VP Ellipsis), DP (N' Ellipsis), and CP (Sluicing) are empty, non-referential pronominals, topic to an analogous licensing and id stipulations as referential pro. She proposes that either different types of empty pronominals needs to be authorized lower than head-government to fulfill the Empty class precept, and pointed out via robust contract. when it comes to ellipsis, agreement-type good points make the empty classification obvious to interpretive tactics of reconstruction. those licensing and identity stipulations derive the outcome that ellipses are enhances of sensible different types DET, COMP, and INFL, yet no longer of lexical different types. The research is supported via contrastive proof from ellipsis in French and German, within which licensing and id engage with Verb elevating, function checking, and a parameter defining "strong" agreement.

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Additional info for Ellipsis: Functional Heads, Licensing, and Identification

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B. *Lee thinks that [most [e] of Italy] are too dry, and that the wines NP (55) of France are the only ones worth drinking. Sluicing a. *Even though we aren't sure [who [e] the painting], we know that S' someone bought the Van Gogh. b. *Although [exactly when [e] to Honolulu] is unclear, we heard S' Linda was going to Hawaii. Summarizing, following the diagnostics in (40) and (41), it is possible to claim that VP Ellipsis, ellipsis in NP, and Sluicing form a natural class of phenomena distinct from Gapping.

Hankamer and Sag (1976) argue for a different approach to the derivation of ellipted VPs. They claim that ellipted VPs are derived by deletion rules which delete VP only when it is appropriately 'identical' to an antecedent VP. 15 Though the above analyses crucially differ with respect to the source of ellipted categories, both Williams (1977) and Sag (1976) claim that the 'identity' requirement for ellipted categories is best stated in terms of 'alphabetic variants' expressed in terms of lambda expressions; the empty VP must be an 'alphabetic variant' of its antecedent in order for recoverability to be satisfied.

In (6), the notion 'm-command' derives from the definition of c-command in (i): (i) a c-commands b iff a does not dominate b and every y that dominates a dominates b Where y is restricted to maximal projections (following Aoun and Sportiche, 1983), we will say that a m-commands b. (Chomsky, 1986b, p. 8) 'Exclude' is defined as in (ii): (ii) a excludes b if no segment of a dominates b (Chomsky, 1986b, p. 9) 2. It is not clear how VP can be both theta-governed and a non-argument, as arguments are typically defined as theta-marked elements.

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