By Ray Laurence, Agneta Stromberg
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Additional resources for Families in the Greco-Roman World
335–343. 42 On the interdependence of cultural domains in general, see Carsten, 2000, p. 13; Yanagisako, 2007, pp. 40–3. 43 See Martin, 2009b, pp. 334–345. 44 Cic. Off. 53–54; cf. Arist. Pol. 1252a. On Aristotle’s assessment of the place of the oikos within the polis, see Martin, 2009b, pp. 332–334. During the Hellenistic age, the household underwent a shift of importance which can be linked to the political change and the growing importance of centralized monarchies. The oikoi of the elites became a ‘tool for self-promotion and political rivalry’ (Nevett, 1999, p.
Schneider, 1980 and Schneider, 1984. On Schneider, see also Carsten, 2000, pp. 6–7; Franklin and McKinnon, 2001, pp. 2–3; Yanagisako, 2007, pp. 33–37; Varto, 2010, p. 87. 6 Overing, 2001, p. 8100 on Schneider. 7 Cf. Franklin and McKinnon, 2001, p. 2. 8 Cf. Schneider, 1984, pp. 165–177, esp. 174. 9 Cf. the contributions in Franklin and McKinnon, 2001 and Carsten, 2000; see also Peletz, 1995. 10 Parkin, 1997, p. 3. According to Parkin, societies who are structured mainly or even solely by kinship are of specific interest to anthropologists; on this specific ‘narrative of kinship’, see below.
We might also focus our interest on the opposite, like residential units that are composed of persons that are not genealogically linked – like orphans, temple communities or convents, and army barracks – and which also do not come to mind when we speak of household groups. By putting traditional views on family, kinship and household aside and conceiving them as a diverse and complex culture of relatedness instead of a fact given by nature or residence, we have to go beyond the oikos and the domus in order to return to them and have a fresh perspective.