By Ellen Hellmann, Leana Reinl, Henry Lever
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The dispossessed The Coloured and Indian peoples have this in common today: neither has direct or indirect representation in the central legislature, and both demand it; each has a primarily elected counci11ooking after its own affairs; both groups have been promised their own parliament under the Nationalist Government's new constitutional proposals and both have rejected the idea. Finally, both communities, over the years, have been divided on whether they should seek their political salvation in co-operation with other dispossessed groups, whether they should seek an alliance with the whites, or whether they should go it alone within the system as they find it and in that way get what they can out of it.
When after what many of its critics described as a McCarthytype witch-hunt, the Government banned eight NUSAS leaders for five years although no action had been recommended against the student body itself, and the United Party supported the Government's action, criticism of the party mounted and unhappiness in party ranks escalated. The result was the loss of six seats to the Progressive Party in the 1974 general election. But this was by no means the end of the United Party's troubles. The breakaway of the so-called Young Turks (four MPs) in 1975 and of the Basson group in 1977 (six MPs) was further proof that the party had still failed to find inner cohesion on the essential issue of colour.
New methods were introduced. In 1977, on the initiative of Archbishop Hurley, a past president of the Institute, a Human Awareness Programme was started, to operate independently of the Institute, in an effort to reach wider circles of the white power structure and to drive home the urgent need for change, especially in the current attitudes towards power-sharing. The Institute is encouraged in its endeavours by the manifest evidence that many other bodies use its material, have built upon it, have expanded it and have extended the area of communication.